Middle East History Essay Example for Free

Middle East History Essay Concerning the security and foreign policy issue, this paper will discuss about the history and politics of India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan that experience intertwined since the first two became independent in 1947. In addition, the three countries also have also distinctive relationship with United States. For the reason, this paper will address how India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan define their vital security interests in relation to the other two during the past 59 years, how the each country seek to advance their respective interests vis-a-vis the other two, and how successful or unsuccessful each has been in doing so. Moreover, this paper will also highlight the countries’ policy positions with regards to their relationship with United States within the past 59 years and how their bilateral relations with the United States related to their relations with the other two South Asian states. 2. India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan Over 50 years in the past, India and Pakistan developed into separate countries on August 15, 1947. The frightening murder of half a million peoples and the evacuating of approximately 15 million men, women, and children blemished what should have been a wonderful event. Just a few months previously, a small number of people had ever perceived sound of the word â€Å"Pakistan†, a thought created by some Muslim intellectuals in 1933 who maintained that there were two separate states in India (Riencourt, A. , 2007). The two-nation assumption of the Muslim League was never admitted by the Hindu-dominated Congress Party, which leaders were all for the formation of an integrated and severely worldly India with complete defense for every religious minority and poor exiles. Pakistan turned into a reality in the 1947 and analyzed its bravery almost directly in the first Indo-Pakistani war on Kashmir (Riencourt, A. , 2007). Therefore, in a very short period, the major advantage of British colonialism in the subcontinent-its political agreement-was annihilated. The Western world compensated slight consideration, at the time, to the long-scope geopolitical effects of this growth. At the present, maybe well over three decades afterward, it ought to compensate a expensive price for this carelessness, in the glow of the current occasions in Afghanistan. 3. India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan and Definition of their vital security interests In the most common definition, the cold war was political, ideological and economic struggle that emerge between the Soviet Union and the Unites States (and allies) right after the Second World War the struggle occurred between 1947 and 1991. It was called the cold war because real physical confrontation never occurred between the superpower nations. The ‘war’ was happening in the form of arms race (including nuclear weapons), developing military alliances, economic warfare (which involves trade embargos, etc), political propaganda, and intelligence warfare (espionage). There were always risks of full range nuclear war with tremendous casualties; however, the closest event to a war is the Cuban Missile Crisis in the 1962, which ended with US, triumphed over the Soviet Union by means of international diplomacy (Gaddis, 1972). Within the cold war issue, it is reasonable if superpower country like the U. S. worries about the development of countries in Asia that continue advancing power. In addition, security becomes a vital interest of any countries. For example, in the year 2000, United Kingdom faced an issue of security due to a preposition by the United States government, as efforts of addressing security concerns of the 21st century. The US government would like to deploy a National Missile Defense (NMD) which would most likely have a significant impact on strategic stability and UK security (‘The 2000 review’, 2000). Similarly, direct on South Asia has mainly remained on the India-Pakistan opposition and conflicts over Kashmir more than fifty years ago. This facet outshined the consequence of Pakistan-Afghanistan relationships on the security interests of the South-Central Asian area. The past and social aspect of the Afghanistan-Pakistan relationship has been and will continue significant in the developing regional spirits (Riencourt, A. , 2007). Following the ending of the Cold War, this relation turned into a major catalyst of the global terrorist group that found its locus in the area. For the majority of Pakistan’s impartial history, relationships with Afghanistan have been difficult and have been distinguished by continuing reciprocal doubt that sometimes revealed in rules of intervention and even efforts at deterioration (Riencourt, A. , 2007). Positioned at the convergence of big mountains and through a chaotic history, the Pakistan-Afghanistan area was once denoted as the â€Å"fight arena of Asia†. Natural features have positioned the area at the junction of international and regional political affairs, strategic and especially financial interests, as a possible channel for energy ways (Riencourt, A. , 2007). The political environment of the area has changed considerably since the proceedings of September 11, 2001. Afghanistan and Pakistan have since gone back to the normal of the global system. However, cynicism and apprehension of rehabilitated conflict amid them continues and they refresh bilateral relationships through wary hopefulness (â€Å"PAKISTAN†, 2006). In due course, India, Pakistan, and the United States ought to think about a cooperative Provisional Reconstruction Team in the northwest of Afghanistan, further than the Pakistan boundary. All these attempts are going to be time-consuming received. However, unless an approach to alleviate the fundamental Pakistan-India conflict in Afghanistan is established, the state will remain to be an arena for this chiefly undeclared fighting. The advantages of making collaboration and confide in Afghanistan will aid forward the broader India-Pakistan tension and improve security around the area (â€Å"PAKISTAN†, 2006). In its security scheming, Pakistan identifies India looking for a tactical covering, a rule of influencing occasions in Afghanistan and Iran to bring out anti-Pakistan reactions to produce political and security troubles for Pakistan. Military policy currently particularly in the nuclear circumstance has transformed the situation and the notions of combat fighting. At greatest, Pakistan possibly will find a sociable Afghanistan presenting a tactical relief zone for restricted logistic nourishment and endorsement in the occasion of upcoming fighting with India (â€Å"Resolving the Pakistan-Afghanistan Stalemate†, 2006). 4. Respective interests among India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan There is abundance to be cynical about the recent ‘concord’ progression amid Pakistan and India. The direct desires following this concord process are none too heartening. Specifically, the military-led government in Islamabad is in great force from its U. S. supporters to accept a collaborative position vis-a-vis the giant eastern neighbor. As you would have thought, the Pakistani military is a communal participant with a record and culture of hostility in the direction of India. Several peace-process idealists say that it is for this very motive that the military is the most dependable bringer of peace. Fragile national leaders cannot create believable guarantees and continue to exist (â€Å"PAKISTAN†, 2006). At all normalization process would weaken the political legality of the armed forces as an unit, accordingly giving augmentation to challenges to its assertions on the state’s financial resources. These assertions would not be restricted to the community reward, although that is significant. They would expand to the military’s great and increasing business territory, covering segments for example manufacturing, economics, property enlargement, shipment, air travel, and farming (â€Å"PAKISTAN†, 2006). Pakistan’s military founding, the state’s most influential political attention group, maintains to consider India as an existing hazard. The U. S. might depart Pakistan to its own ways, its purposes might be restrained, there might be a government failure in Afghanistan, or a government transform in Washington DC. American motivation to support the Pakistani military moderates the latter from financial requirements and political voters for peace making (Riencourt, A. , 2007). The Pakistan-India boundary is forced to be infringed, for the financial necessities are just too overpowering. The increasing amount of lawful and recognized business amid the two countries, as well as approximates of unlawful and unrecognized business, confirms to this predictability. The two economies are not merely geographical neighbors. They work at equal levels of knowledge, and divide comparable levels of buying power, flavors, and favorites. They are genuine candidates for market incorporation (Riencourt, A. , 2007). India and Pakistan are increasing their financial systems with the intention of struggle in international markets. They run in greatly aggressive zones where market share relies on small dissimilarities in border. The lagging of the two financial systems places tensions, occasionally intolerable ones, on national customers and producers in a similar way. Pakistani producers have been converted into powerful supporters of the import of cheaper Indian capital assets and underdone materials. Main upcoming investments in the energy area, and therefore in every other area, depend on political collaboration amid the two states. Although the U. S. obstructs the Iran-Pakistan-India gas channel, an option for example the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India gas route is feasible as long as the Pakistan-India part remains integral as well (â€Å"Resolving the Pakistan-Afghanistan Stalemate†, 2006). 5. The policy positions the three countries took toward the United States and the bilateral relations with the United States In India’s circumstances, the behavior of cooperation with Washington have been belatedly in developing and have yet to attain the levels occasionally documented in the history of U. S. and Pakistan relationships. Trade and industry, however, binds amid India and the U. S. have extended outstandingly in current years and an epidemic of combined military completions and artillery agreements among them give assurance of developing into a qualitatively new type of tactical corporation (â€Å"U. S. Policy Toward India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan†, 2003). For one point, Pakistan’s nuclear controlling and selling in the previous some years has stimulated considerable concern in the U. S. in excess of the security of Islamabad’s nuclear weapons course. Pakistan’s unsteady promise to self-governing regulation is also difficult for Washington, and the Indian and Pakistani governments have conditions, to this point mainly subdued publicly, on the subject of Washington’s Iraq strategy. More than the long-standing, both governments stay intensely apprehensive of Washington’s purposes, particularly of its readiness and capability to uphold recent promises (Rauf, T. , 2001). Preserving welcoming binds with the U. S. continues a subject of greatest significance to both India and Pakistan. Therefore, appeasing the U. S. , preventing acts that might disturb the intrinsically fragile trilateral agreement in position at present, obviously considers in computations completed concerning their relations with the other. This noticeably provides Washington surprising advantage, comprising several abilities for soothing and even changeing India-Pakistan relationships. When forceful national interests are in the balance, on the other hand, Washington’s advantage is probable to show somewhat not real (â€Å"U. S. Policy Toward India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan†, 2003). 6. Conclusion Pakistan and Afghanistan have had mainly opposed relationships beneath all governments except the Taliban, since Pakistan was built as constituent of the separation of India in 1947. Several parts of disagreement were also taken over from tensions amid Afghanistan and India when it was in British colonial regulation. Afghanistan’s governments, together with that of the Taliban, have never identified the Durand Line amid the two countries as a global boundary and have created assertions on the Pashtun and Baluch areas of Pakistan. Today’s cross-border rebellions, with their refuges and encourage networks in Pakistan, are cultivated by the similar sources as earlier tensions, as well as worldwide Islamist movements (â€Å"Resolving the Pakistan-Afghanistan Stalemate†, 2006). A progression must work in the direction of restructurings in the FATA of Pakistan. The U. S. , NATO, and the UN should have the same opinion to send a general note to Islamabad: that the perseverance of Taliban refuges in Pakistan is a danger to global peace and safety that Pakistan has to deal with instantly. In addition, they should concur to advise Afghanistan and India to accomplish all in their authority to support Pakistan to create hard decisions by forwarding sources of Pakistani diffidence, as well as problems with reference to the boundary area and Kashmir. They are supposed to aggressively endorse this progression and take action as backers and funders of every agreement that generate from it (Riencourt, A. , 2007). On condition that India and Pakistan continue antagonistic to each other, Afghanistan is deliberately significant to both. It is very important to Pakistan that it not have unsociable authorities on its east and west boundaries, while from India’s viewpoint, Afghanistan would present excellent strategic moorland to press Pakistan. Reasonably, as well, Afghanistan possesses great assurance. Last year, The U. S. joined Afghanistan and Pakistan mutually in the course of the formation of Reconstruction Opportunity Zones that would get U. S. tax exceptions (â€Å"PAKISTAN†, 2006). Moreover, Afghanistan is a solution to the business ways and energy channels of Central Asia. Therefore, if the U. S. is going to overturn this miserable weakening in Afghanistan, it will require the encouragement of both India and Pakistan. These two big states are supposed to be taught from the past mistakes, combating over Afghanistan is not the way out. The losses are too large.Washington and Kabul have to seek methods to invest both states in aiding to build Afghanistan an accomplishment (â€Å"PAKISTAN†, 2006). Reference: â€Å"Effects on Trends in Trade Policy from 1850-1914. † GradeSaver. Retrieved August 28, 2007 from http://www. gradesaver. com/search Gaddis, John Lewis. The United States and the Origins of the Cold War 1941–1947. Columbia University Press, 1972 House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, Eighth Report, Weapons of Mass Destruction, Session 1999-2000, HC 407, The Stationery Office, 25th July 2000, paragraph 40 Krugman, Paul R. , and Maurice Obstfeld. International Economics: Theory and Policy. Addison-Wesley, 1997 Lipschutz. Ronnie D. â€Å"Seeking a State of Ones Own: An Analytical Framework for Assessing `Ethnic and Sectarian Conflict. † 1998. pp. 44-77, in: Beverly Crawford Ronnie D. Lipschutz (eds. ), The myth of ethnic conflict: politics, economics, and cultural violence (Berkeley: Institute of International Area Studies, UC-Berkeley). at: http://escholarship. cdlib. org/ias/crawford/crawford02. html †PAKISTAN. † 2006. Retrieved August 28, 2007 from http://www. angelfire. com/mac/egmatthews/worldinfo/asia/pakistan. html Rauf, T. â€Å"United States Seeks Pakistans Assistance. † 2001. Retrieved August 28, 2007 from http://cns. miis. edu/research/wtc01/pak. htm â€Å"Resolving the Pakistan-Afghanistan Stalemate. † 2006. Retrieved August 28, 2007 from http://www. usip. org/pubs/specialreports/sr176. pdf Riencourt, A. â€Å"India and Pakistan in the Shadow of Afghanistan. † 2007. Retrieved August 28, 2007 from http://www. foreignaffairs. org/19821201faessay8309/amaury-de-riencourt/india-and-pakistan-in-the-shadow-of-afghanistan. html